Christian Peacemaker Teams - Turn your Faith into Action for Peace en Palestine: Their Power <span>Palestine: Their Power</span> <span><span lang="" about="/user/4" typeof="schema:Person" property="schema:name" datatype="">Caldwell</span></span> <span>Thu, 09/23/2021 - 00:42</span> <div><figure><img alt="Soldier carry tear gas shells shouts in the direction of children" data-entity-type="" data-entity-uuid="" src="/sites/default/files/2021-09/210923_palestine_3.jpg" style="width:60%" /> <figcaption>&nbsp;</figcaption> </figure> <p><strong>By&nbsp;Ahmad Abu Monshar</strong></p> <p>In the land where people’s voices aren't heard by anybody, arresting and killing are part of a soldier's daily routine. To counter this power imbalance, Palestinians use cameras as a tool of resistance. By taking pictures and videos, Palestinians are doing everything in their power to protect their children from Israeli soldier harassment, a strategy to show the world their story and deliver their message.&nbsp;</p> <p>In my perspective, ‘good power’ is power in the hands of the people who need it, who resist and fight for rights and understand our humanity. But ‘bad power’ is power used against people to oppressed and humiliate others, similar to what Israel soldiers do to Palestinians.&nbsp;&nbsp;</p> <p>The <a href="">Stanford Prison Experiment</a>, a prison simulation study from 1971, aptly proves the quick and dangerous corruption of power. Israeli military behavior mirrors this experiment with the means of power (weapons and support from their government) to do whatever they want to Palestinians. We, as Palestinians, play the arrested role without a choice. At Stanford, the experiment took place in a small prison controlled by observers and directors, but we live in an open-air jail where soldiers have space and power to take advantage of their power against Palestinians.&nbsp;</p> <p>Although it is not the only way to resist the illegal settlers and soldiers, documenting and filming what soldiers do can be effective. I’ve heard local community members say, “Let them hear and see what is happening and what is the truth” many times while I was holding the camera and filming Israeli soldiers while they commit human rights violations.</p> <p>For example, CPTers watched in April 2021 how Mona and Mohammed Al-Kurd, two Palestinian activists using their phone cameras, highlighted the situation in Jerusalem. Palestinians saw the importance of filming the violations and using social media platforms like Facebook and Instagram as tools to let people see what is happening through their eyes since TV channels failed to be neutral and to allow their audiences to hear Palestinian voices.</p> <p>Sometimes soldiers prevent us from using cameras because they are intimidated, and sometimes they smile at the camera while they make victory signs with their hands, dressed in their uniforms and brandishing their weapons. After watching them smile many times, I started to ask myself what they were trying to communicate with their response. Are they proud of what they are doing? Are they not worried about how they are portrayed in the media because they have unlimited power? It seems it is a reaction to an uncomfortable situation for them. They are trying to prove that they do not care. But in fact, their response reflects their worries about the power of the camera and how a photo could limit their power and discipline their behavior when in the public eye.</p> <p>For example, on the third Friday of Ramadan 2021, several soldiers were checking Palestinians trying to enter the Ibrahim mosque. While CPT was monitoring the area taking photos and videos, we noticed one soldier looked at the camera and raised his hand in the victory sign. After a few seconds, he recognized that this sign didn't represent what he was doing, so he lowered his hand and retreated from the area.</p> <p>In their constant threatening and triggering of Palestinians, the soldiers expect to get a reaction so they can justify using more power through weapons, checkpoints, bombs and humiliation, to keep their unlimited power and continue the oppression of Palestinians. That is what CPTers see in soldiers’ reactions, from the uniform they wear to the tools they use, holding their weapons and bombs close when they return to their checkpoints.</p> <figure><img alt="Soldier carry tear gas shells shouts in the direction of children" data-entity-type="" data-entity-uuid="" src="/sites/default/files/2021-09/210923_palestine_1.jpg" style="width:80%" /> <figcaption>&nbsp;</figcaption> </figure> <p>Checkpoints are not only a means to control the movement of Palestinians, but soldiers also use them as their bases, their "safe place" where they can recharge their power and a base from which to start their intrusions. This is why most shootings happen close to the checkpoints. Also, we noticed that when soldiers leave a place that they occupied, they are always in a group, not as individuals. As they are far from checkpoints, they are less powerful.</p> <p>Palestinians draw from a variety of resistance techniques, including filming the soldiers while they are killing and shooting Palestinians, but is it enough to deter the Israeli occupation? Of course not, but at least these cameras become a tool of ‘good power’ against weapons and bombs of the soldiers.</p> <figure><img alt="Soldier carry tear gas shells shouts in the direction of children" data-entity-type="" data-entity-uuid="" src="/sites/default/files/2021-09/210923_palestine_2.jpg" style="width:60%" /> <figcaption><em>Israeli soldiers detained a 13-year-old boy at the checkpoint. “I waited for more than half an hour, but they didn’t let me go. They let my brother go.” When a CPT member asked him why they were doing this, he said, “I don’t know, maybe they are bored or they hated me for something that I don’t know.” After half an hour, Israeli soldiers allowed him to pass.</em></figcaption> </figure> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p>After spending a year monitoring the streets of H2 in Hebron, I have learned to analyze these dynamics of power and resistance every day. I experienced the power of the camera recently while documenting an incident. Israeli soldiers had detained a 13-year-old boy for over half an hour, after releasing his brother. Once I turned on the camera and started taking the pictures of this boy, the soldiers let him go. For the first time, I felt that I held equal power, even if it was only for a few minutes.</p> </div> <div> <div>Categories</div> <div> <div><a href="/taxonomy/term/1415" hreflang="en">Palestine</a></div> </div> </div> Thu, 23 Sep 2021 05:42:17 +0000 Caldwell 12568 at IRAQI KURDISTAN: Updates on Turkish Military Operation Claw-Lightning <span>IRAQI KURDISTAN: Updates on Turkish Military Operation Claw-Lightning</span> <span><span lang="" about="/user/63" typeof="schema:Person" property="schema:name" datatype="">Hannah</span></span> <span>Sun, 09/05/2021 - 07:02</span> <div><p>5 September 2021</p> <p><img alt="" data-entity-type="" data-entity-uuid="" height="393" src="/sites/default/files/Ahmed%20shakir.jpeg" width="392" /><img alt="" data-entity-type="" data-entity-uuid="" height="391" src="/sites/default/files/yousif%20aamir.jpeg" width="391" /></p> <h6>Ahmed Shakir, killed in a Turkish military bombardment 20 August&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; Yousif Aamir, killed in a Turkish military bombardment August 20, 2021</h6> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p><em>Updates on Turkish Military Operation&nbsp;Claw-Lightning:&nbsp;The Civilian Impact in Iraqi Kurdistan from 23 April - 30 August 2021 (read the original report <a href="">here</a>)</em></p> <p><b>Turkish Armed Forces attacks kill three civilians</b></p> <ul> <li>On 20 August 2021, Ahmed Shakir (40 years old) and Yousif Aamir (26 years old) were killed in the Batifa sub-district of Zakho. They were visiting Banke village resort when Turkish military forces started shelling the road with artillery, killing them both. Since they were tourists from Mosul, their family found out about their deaths two days later when Kurdistan Security Forces discovered their bodies.</li> <li>On 13 August 2021, Turkish military forces shot Ibrahem Hassan Mohamad (51 years old) while watering his fields in Dishishe village, Kani Masi. The villagers had been forcibly displaced by the Turkish military's Operation Claw-Lightning earlier this year. Ibrahem and 12 other civilians had come back briefly to water their fields, necessary to support their families. During a clash with the PKK, Turkey began shooting at the village from their new military base, hitting Ibrahem and killing him immediately.</li> </ul> <p><img alt="" data-entity-type="" data-entity-uuid="" height="589" src="/sites/default/files/Ramazan%2BAli.jpeg" width="800" /></p> <h6>Ramazan Ali, on CPT visit 20 June 2021</h6> <p><b>Turkish Armed Force attacks injure six civilians</b></p> <ul> <li>On 10 August 2021, 55-year-old Abdulrahman Yousif from Bosal village in Drakar sub-district in Zakho was injured in a Turkish bombardment while picking figs in his orchard.</li> <li>On 8 July 2021, a civilian from the village of Hirure was injured by shrapnel from artillery fire when the Turkish Military began firing at the village farmlands from inside their base.</li> <li>On 1 June 2021, Turkish military began firing artillery at Ramazan Ali, aged 70, injuring him while irrigating his fields in Hirure.</li> <li>On 26 May 2021, brothers Ali Muhsin, aged 16, and Hasan Muhsin, aged 20, were wounded by flying shrapnel when the Turkish Military shelled Bhere village, where they were guarding their flock of sheep.</li> <li>On 25 May 2021 Turkish Military fired artillery at farmers irrigating their fields in Dishishe village, the shrapnel injuring 20-year-old Bawer Ahmed.</li> </ul> <h6><img alt="" data-entity-type="" data-entity-uuid="" height="599" src="/sites/default/files/hirure.jpeg" width="800" /></h6> <h6>A hillside in Hirure on 27 July 2021, still burning with fires started by Turkish military bombardments. Photo credit: Ayad Hrure</h6> <p><b>The Turkish Armed Forces have burnt almost 5,500 acres (22,500 Dunams) of farmland in Kani Masi villages due to Operation Claw-Lightning.</b></p> <ul> <li>Turkish Armed Forces have started fires through bombardments, shooting and the deliberate use of fire-starting tools.</li> <li>On CPT Iraqi Kurdistan’s visit to Kani Masi on 20 June 2021, villagers reported that the fires burning were started by both bombardments and Turkish soldiers entering the village at night to deliberately set fire to areas of farmland.</li> <li>On 27 July 2021, Turkish soldiers shot firearms directly into the village of Hirure from their new military base, burning 165 acres (670 Dunams) of farmland.</li> <li>As of 28 July, according to the Mayor of Kani Masi, Turkish military attacks on the farming and pastoral communities of the Kani Masi sub-district have caused an estimated 6 billion Iraqi Dinars (approximately 4 million USD) in economic damage.</li> </ul> <p><img alt="" data-entity-type="" data-entity-uuid="" height="632" src="/sites/default/files/kesta.jpeg" width="590" /></p> <h6>A Turkish bombardment in Kesta</h6> <p><b>As a result of the Military Operation Claw-Lighting, more than 1500 civilians fled their homes in Avashin and Kani Masi regions.</b></p> <ul> <li>Seven villages in the Kani Masi Region (Kesta, Chalke-Christiana, Dishishe, Adne, Ura, Seraro and Miska) and sixteen villages in the Avashin Region have been completely evacuated.</li> <li>Two churches have been closed, one in Miska, damaged in a bombardment, and one in Chalke-Christiana.</li> <li>One school, one hospital and several mosques have been closed.</li> </ul> <p><b>Two projects providing essential water to villages in Kani Masi have been destroyed.</b></p> <ul> <li>On 17 August, Turkish military forces bombed Hrure, Baziv and Kesta villages, destroying the water pipes for Baziv village.</li> <li>At the beginning of the operation, Turkish Armed Forces bombarded a water project in Adne, destroying the system that provides water to nine villages.</li> </ul> <p><b>Damage due to the Turkish Armed Forces bombing has caused major electricity outages eight times.</b></p> </div> <div> <div>Categories</div> <div> <div><a href="/taxonomy/term/1406" hreflang="en">Iraq</a></div> <div><a href="/taxonomy/term/1408" hreflang="en">Kurdistan</a></div> </div> </div> Sun, 05 Sep 2021 12:02:47 +0000 Hannah 12564 at IRAQI KURDISTAN: Statement Condemning the Turkish Military Bombings on Civilian Areas in Shengal <span>IRAQI KURDISTAN: Statement Condemning the Turkish Military Bombings on Civilian Areas in Shengal</span> <span><span lang="" about="/user/63" typeof="schema:Person" property="schema:name" datatype="">Hannah</span></span> <span>Wed, 08/25/2021 - 03:49</span> <div><p>25 August 2021</p> <p><img alt="" data-entity-type="" data-entity-uuid="" height="384" src="/sites/default/files/ik%20statement%2024.8.jpeg" width="512" /></p> <p><span style="font-size:9pt; font-variant:normal; white-space:pre-wrap"><span style="font-family:Arial"><span style="color:#000000"><span style="font-weight:400"><span style="font-style:normal"><span style="text-decoration:none">The vehicle bombed by Turkey inside Shengal. Photo taken by a resident of Shengal</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p>In early August 2021, the Turkish Armed Forces attacked civilian areas twice in Shengal (Sinjar), Iraq, killing four civilians and injuring at least 13 more.</p> <p>Shengal is the Yezidi territory that ISIS brutally attacked and controlled after the security forces fled the area in 2014. The Sinjar Resistance Units (YBŞ), with predominantly Yezidi membership, was established to fight ISIS after its assault in 2014. YBŞ controls security in much of the area and is now an official part of the Iraqi Army. They have close ties to the Kurdistan Worker’s Party (PKK) after receiving support in the fight against ISIS.</p> <p>On 16 August, the Turkish military conducted a drone strike and targeted a vehicle carrying YBŞ personnel inside the city of Shengal. The group was on a diplomatic mission to meet with Iraqi officials as part of President Mustafa Al-Kadhimi’s visit to Shengal. The drone strike killed Seid Hesen, a high commander of YPS, and Essa Xweded, a YBŞ fighter. The three remaining passengers in the car were severely injured.</p> <p>The explosion from the attack also injured three civilians, Mahir Mirza Ali, Media Qasim Simo, and Shamil Abbas Brgis, who were working for Global Clearance Solutions (GCS). GCS is an NGO specialising in warzone de-mining, and the employees were clearing a nearby building of mines left by ISIS in their departure from the city.</p> <p>Following that, on 17 August,<b> </b>Turkey bombed the hospital in Skine village. The hospital was founded in 2016 by the YBŞ after the village was liberated from ISIS. The hospital, converted from an old school building, served the civilian population, Covid-19 patients, Iraqi Security Forces (ISF), and YBŞ fighters.</p> <p>The Turkish military directly bombed the hospital, killing eight people, including four healthcare workers: Ali Rasho Khdir, Sehdo Elyas Rasho, Haji Khdir, and Mukhlisa Sedar, as well as four YBŞ fighters guarding the hospital: Hamid Sehdon, Khdir Shareef, Rami Al-Salim, and Maithem Khdir Xalaf. Another healthcare worker, Habdi Sleman, was injured from the bombing.</p> <p>In the aftermath of the attack, as people rushed to help the injured and dying, Turkey bombed the area twice more, injuring nine more people trying to offer aid.</p> <p>The Turkish presidential office claims not to have targeted a hospital but a PKK base. Residents of Shengal deny this statement.</p> <p>Last year on 26 May, the Turkish military bombed another hospital in Safra village in the Suleimani governorate of Iraqi Kurdistan. That hospital has been unable to reopen for local residents due to the damage caused by the Turkish military’s assault.</p> <p><b>A coalition of NGOs, including CPT, CODEPINK, UPP and ICSSI, condemn the Turkish military attacks on civilians, civilian areas and medical infrastructure. We call on foreign countries to help with initiatives to rebuild Shengal after the war with ISIS and not contribute to the further destruction of cities and towns.</b></p> </div> <div> <div>Categories</div> <div> <div><a href="/taxonomy/term/1406" hreflang="en">Iraq</a></div> <div><a href="/taxonomy/term/1408" hreflang="en">Kurdistan</a></div> </div> </div> Wed, 25 Aug 2021 08:49:23 +0000 Hannah 12562 at Living wage as a way out of the social crisis in Colombia <span>Living wage as a way out of the social crisis in Colombia</span> <span><span lang="" about="/user/63" typeof="schema:Person" property="schema:name" datatype="">Hannah</span></span> <span>Mon, 08/23/2021 - 03:40</span> <div><p>23 August 2021</p> <p><img alt="" data-entity-type="" data-entity-uuid="" height="541" src="/sites/default/files/disculpe.jpeg" width="800" /></p> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p>After the end of the binary world (Capitalism vs Communism), the reigning empires consolidated and expanded democracy as a system for organizing the social, political, economic and cultural life of societies across the globe. Thus, peoples and nations on different continents initiated democratization processes promoted by international organizations and States exercising global hegemony. Democratization has indeed brought progress in guaranteeing and accessing fundamental and human rights for many people. However, it has not been possible to dismantle the power structures present in this model that impact the daily societal relationships in the public and private spaces of our lives.</p> <p>Long before the COVID-19 pandemic appeared, which developed a new economic and social crisis, democracy and the capitalist system of production were already facing another severe crisis evident through local and global increases in poverty rates, together with the resurgence of violence and the emergence of new armed conflicts. These systems are built on distinctions, hierarchies and privileges that are not "natural" or fair. So, as these oppressive structures deepen, subaltern and oppressed sectors offer counter-hegemonic responses that seek to break the power relations that violate human dignity. In this context of resistance, local and international social organizations are advocating for a living wage that would close inequality and inequity gaps driven by privilege and the lack of empathy towards others.</p> <p>Colombia is a concrete example of what I’ve described above. Since the end of April, diverse social and popular sectors have converged for a National Strike, protesting against decades of abandonment and injustice that has affected broad sectors of Colombian society. Today, we see in the streets a variety of expressions of protest that are committed to creating dialogue, which has opened debates on a national level that the Colombian State and its governments have postponed for many years thanks to the use of military and police force.</p> <p>Included in these debates is the discussion regarding the level of inequality in Colombia and the lack of will of its political and economic elites to find a way out of the country’s social crisis. Faced with this problem, strike leaders proposed a guaranteed basic income, which would enable the sectors most affected by the economic and social inequalities to access fundamental rights and freedoms, seeing as Colombia is a democracy and a social State under the rule of law.</p> <p>But what is a living wage? And why is it an important measure to solve the crisis? The answer to these questions requires recognition that Colombia is considered a democracy under the auspices of a social State of law, meaning that the State is the only political actor with the responsibility and the duty to protect democratic values ​​such as human rights or freedom. The living wage is a concept that seeks to guarantee people a quality of life that enables them to develop their life projects. Likewise, it is considered a mechanism of social equity, understanding that social transformations occur by removing obstacles that prevent access to better educational, employment and economic opportunities. Furthermore, the debate takes on greater importance at this precise moment, because if we consider a living wage as an inalienable human right, vast sectors of Colombian society, who have historically suffered the effects of injustice, could enjoy a minimum economic security to cover their basic needs arising from the crisis. These injustices are the very reason that today the Colombian streets are a battlefield between those who demand job opportunities, better health and education, and those who seek to prevent any change that affects the status quo.</p> <p>I want to conclude by noting that the living wage alone cannot stop the deterioration that the crisis has produced in Colombian society as a whole—it is clear that other types of political, social and economic measures are needed to make real and sustained improvement over time—but it is a reminder that those who suffer injustices have the right to a dignified life and to have their humanity respected.</p> <p>&nbsp;</p> </div> <div> <div>Categories</div> <div> <div><a href="/taxonomy/term/1399" hreflang="en">Colombia</a></div> </div> </div> Mon, 23 Aug 2021 08:40:23 +0000 Hannah 12561 at Exiled and Stigmatized: Statement on the Displacement of Mining Communities in the Southern Bolívar region <span>Exiled and Stigmatized: Statement on the Displacement of Mining Communities in the Southern Bolívar region</span> <span><span lang="" about="/user/63" typeof="schema:Person" property="schema:name" datatype="">Hannah</span></span> <span>Tue, 08/17/2021 - 12:38</span> <div><p>17 August 2021</p> <p><img alt="" data-entity-type="" data-entity-uuid="" height="1067" src="/sites/default/files/Foto%20Sur%20de%20Bolivar%20para%20comunicado.jpg" width="800" /></p> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p>For decades, the residents of the Southern Bolívar subregion have suffered the impacts of violence associated with the armed conflict and territorial and economic disputes that various legal and illegal actors have developed throughout their territory. This context has caused farming, indigenous and mining communities to live under constant threat against their lives and experience systematic violations of their human and fundamental rights.&nbsp;</p> <p>Currently, a war is being waged in the subregion between the National Liberation Army (ELN), the 37th Front dissident group of the FARC, the Gaitanista Self-Defense Forces (AGC), and the Colombian Military’s Joint Task Force Mars. This conflict that began last year has created a condition of vulnerability for the civil population that, on many occasions, has been caught in the middle of combat, suffering threats and assassinations of its community and social leaders. On 26 July 2021, Oswaldo Pérez—leader of the Mina Piojo community action board—was assassinated, unleashing the recent forced displacement of approximately 2000 people in the municipalities of Santa Rosa del Sur, Arenal, Morales and Montecristo. The cause of this serious violation of Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law lies squarely with the increase in confrontations between armed groups in the San Lucas mountain range.&nbsp;</p> <p>On 1 August, displaced families arrived at the Municipality of Santa Rosa to call on the municipal, departmental and national administrative authorities, guerrilla and paramilitary groups, and the national army to respect life, permanence in the territory and the non-involvement of civilians in the armed conflict. It is important to note that the population is not only being torn from their homes, but also faces stigmatization from local authorities and the media who have made dangerous accusations against social organizations. The social leaders and mining and farming families who belong to these organizations face increased risk to their lives as these powerful voices associate them as collaborators of a violent group.</p> <p>After several days of dialogue between the community, administrative authorities, state institutions and state forces—lacking clear answers or solutions that would guarantee a safe return for the more than 2000 displaced people and adding to the insufficient humanitarian assistance provided by the local entities and the stigmatization against social organizations—the communities decided to return to their territories without having obtained the minimum guarantees for their safety.</p> <p>Christian Peacemaker Teams witnessed the difficult humanitarian conditions that the displaced families experienced for almost nine days and of the work carried out by social organizations to improve conditions in the shelter where the communities stayed. In addition, CPT witnessed the work of the International Committee of the Red Cross and the Jesuit Refugee Service, which made it possible to mitigate the complex humanitarian conditions experienced by the displaced population. Likewise, we express our concern for the safety and lives of the civilian population returning to the territory without explicit guarantees that resolve or mitigate the impacts of the war on those who have nothing to do with it.&nbsp;</p> <p>Finally, CPT expresses our solidarity with all the people who have been victims of violence and who today return home with more doubts than clarity. We call on the local authorities, the Colombian state, and the armed groups to respond to the following requests from the community:</p> <ul> <li aria-level="1">Construction of a Humanitarian Shelter in the San Pedro Frío township, which will serve to temporarily shelter people and families who are threatened by armed actors.</li> <li aria-level="1">That the state guarantee decent living conditions for the population as the most effective mechanism to defuse the conflict.&nbsp;</li> <li aria-level="1">That the authorities at all levels respect and not interfere in the Humanitarian Action for Life and Permanence in the territory, which will function through Pastoral and Community Dialogues.&nbsp;</li> <li aria-level="1">That the state respond to the region’s social challenges through other means than the increase in force and militarization of the territory.&nbsp;</li> <li aria-level="1">That legal and illegal armed groups do not involve civilians in the dynamics of the armed conflict.&nbsp;</li> </ul> <p>These calls to action would facilitate the construction of a negotiated solution to the armed conflict in the Southern Bolívar region, thus allowing the development of a dignified life for all the farming and mining communities located there.&nbsp;</p> <p>&nbsp;</p> </div> <div> <div>Categories</div> <div> <div><a href="/taxonomy/term/1399" hreflang="en">Colombia</a></div> </div> </div> Tue, 17 Aug 2021 17:38:02 +0000 Hannah 12555 at We are Watching: Human Rights Report on Violence Experienced By Mi'kmaw Fishers <span>We are Watching: Human Rights Report on Violence Experienced By Mi&#039;kmaw Fishers</span> <span><span lang="" about="/user/63" typeof="schema:Person" property="schema:name" datatype="">Hannah</span></span> <span>Thu, 08/05/2021 - 11:52</span> <div><p>5 August 2021</p> <p><img alt="" data-entity-type="" data-entity-uuid="" height="800" src="/sites/default/files/IMG_20210727_114737.jpg" width="800" /></p> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p>In the fall of 2020, the Mik'maw lobster fishers enacted their treaty rights and took to the waters. According to Treaty 1752 and the Supreme Court Marshall Decision of 1999, the Mi'kmaq have the right to fish outside of the state legislated lobster fishing season to create a moderate livelihood. For over 20 years, the state has delayed negotiations that would define what a moderate livelihood means, subsequently denying the treaty rights of the Mi'kmaq. In September 2020, the Sipekne'katik First Nation decided enough was enough, they were tired of the governmental delay in ensuring their rights, and they opened their season. In response, non-Indigenous people attacked the Mi’kmaq lobster fishers, cutting traps, sinking boats, assaulting people, burning down a Mi’kmaw lobster pound, and daily threatening the Mi’kmaw lobster fishers and their allies. Meanwhile, the Royal Canadian Mounted Police and the Department of Fisheries and Oceans responded inadequately and enabled the violence to continue.&nbsp;</p> <p><span style="font-size:11pt; font-variant:normal; white-space:pre-wrap"><span style="font-family:Arial"><span style="color:#000000"><span style="font-weight:400"><span style="font-style:normal"><span style="text-decoration:none"><a href="">CPT has written this human rights report</a> </span></span></span></span></span></span>as a snapshot of the violence experienced by the Mi’kmaw lobster fishers in 2020. Nearly a year later, another lobster fishing season is upon us. Already the Mi’kmaw lobster fishers have received threats of violence.&nbsp;</p> <p><strong>At CPT, our message is clear: We are watching! And we demand that the Mi’kmaq are able to enact their treaty rights unimpeded by settler violence or state bureaucracy. </strong></p> <p><a href="">Download the report here</a></p> </div> <div> <div>Categories</div> <div> <div><a href="/taxonomy/term/1484" hreflang="en">Turtle Island Solidarity Network</a></div> <div><a href="/taxonomy/term/1397" hreflang="en">Canada</a></div> </div> </div> Thu, 05 Aug 2021 16:52:04 +0000 Hannah 12553 at Iraqi Kurdistan courts accuse Badinan activists of conducting espionage for Foreign Governments <span>Iraqi Kurdistan courts accuse Badinan activists of conducting espionage for Foreign Governments</span> <span><span lang="" about="/user/63" typeof="schema:Person" property="schema:name" datatype="">Hannah</span></span> <span>Wed, 08/04/2021 - 10:37</span> <div><p>4 August 2021</p> <p><img alt="" data-entity-type="" data-entity-uuid="" height="229" src="/sites/default/files/badinan%20activists.png" width="506" /></p> <h6><em>Top Row: Bandawar Ayoub, Karger Abas, Jamal Khalil, Sleman Mousa, Sherwan Taha<br /> Bottom Row: Fersat Ahmed, Aamer Khalid, Sleman Kamal, Masoud Ali</em></h6> <p><a href="">Download the full report from CPT IK here</a></p> <p>Civil society in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) is experiencing a crackdown on freedom of expression; security forces have incarcerated an alarming amount of civil rights activists and journalists. Since August 2020, an estimated 76 journalists, activists and teachers from the Badinan region have been arrested by security forces and imprisoned in Erbil.</p> <p>On 12 and 13 July, members of Christian Peacemaker Teams (CPT) observed the trials for nine Badinan activists who were arrested in 2020 on charges of endangering national security and committing acts of espionage. They have been awaiting trial for almost a year.</p> <p>CPT is gravely concerned about the due process in both court trials, as the prosecution has not presented reasonable evidence to support the accusations against the nine Badinan prisoners. All evidence used against the activists has thus far relied on testimony from one unidentified witness who was not present for the court proceedings. There is no evidence yet to suggest the witness exists or that such a witness knew the nine Badinan prisoners. In addition to this lack of evidence from an unidentified witness, it is concerning that the judge would accuse the defendants of committing acts of espionage for meeting with consulates and government representatives.</p> <p>Two of the defendants did not have a lawyer to represent them in their court trials. A family member of one of these defendants reported to CPT that the defendant was threatened and harassed by security forces into refusing legal representation. Security forces have prevented lawyers from having any contact with the remaining defendants; therefore, their clients are unable to provide any evidence for their defence. One of the defendants reported that he was threatened that his wife would be raped if he did not confess to the accusations brought against him in court.</p> <p>Family members have limited access to meet with their loved ones in prison—some have seen their families only once since their incarceration. These families are also concerned about their loved ones’ health. The family of Sleman Kamal reported to CPT that his body had become very weak while he was in prison—Sleman himself declared that he was not receiving enough food to eat in prison. CPT observed in court that many defendants have lost weight and appear malnourished since their incarceration in Asaish prison.</p> <p>These recent court trials are a part of a larger attempt by the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) at suppressing freedom of expression in Iraqi Kurdistan. The first to be impacted by this escalating repression were Sherwan Sherwani, Guhdar Zebari, Eyaz Karam, Shivan Saeed, and Hariwan Essa, found guilty of espionage and destabilizing national security on 16 February 2021. These five journalists and civil rights activists were charged with conducting acts of espionage for speaking to representatives of the United States Consulate General, United Nations and International Organizations. The nine Badinan prisoners are similarly being accused of conducting espionage for international consulates and governing bodies once again.</p> <p>The cases of the nine Badinan prisoners and their families are a critical concern for the Kurdistan Region. Freedom of expression, as it stands, is on trial in Iraqi Kurdistan. Any sentencing of the nine Badinan activists sets a precedent in the Iraqi Kurdistan region for freedom of expression to be criminalized, further suppressing civil society’s ability to hold governing bodies accountable.</p> <p><a href="">Download full report from CPT IK here</a></p> <p><img alt="" data-entity-type="" data-entity-uuid="" height="517" src="/sites/default/files/record%20of%20trials.png" width="700" /></p> </div> <div> <div>Categories</div> <div> <div><a href="/taxonomy/term/1406" hreflang="en">Iraq</a></div> <div><a href="/taxonomy/term/1408" hreflang="en">Kurdistan</a></div> </div> </div> Wed, 04 Aug 2021 15:37:11 +0000 Hannah 12552 at Punishment Without Evidence: CPT IK Statement Regarding the Observation of Badal Barwari and Omed Barushky’s Trial <span>Punishment Without Evidence: CPT IK Statement Regarding the Observation of Badal Barwari and Omed Barushky’s Trial</span> <span><span lang="" about="/user/63" typeof="schema:Person" property="schema:name" datatype="">Hannah</span></span> <span>Tue, 08/03/2021 - 09:24</span> <div><p>3 August 2021</p> <p><img alt="" data-entity-type="" data-entity-uuid="" height="402" src="/sites/default/files/Badal%2Band%2BOmed.jpeg" width="800" /></p> <h2>Statement from CPT Regarding the Observation of Badal Barwari and Omed Barushky’s Trial</h2> <p><br /> On 29 July 2021, CPT observed the court trial for the Badinan activists Badal Barwari and Omed Barushky. Badal Barwari has been a teacher for 24 years, as well as a political organizer. Omed Barushky is an independent journalist who is 21-years-old. Badal and Omed were imprisoned in August 2020 after they organized a demonstration where they demanded the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) pay the salaries of government employees.&nbsp;</p> <p>Prior to Badal and Omed’s court case, CPT observed all of the announced court trials involving activists and journalists from the Badinan region imprisoned for their criticism of government corruption. After witnessing several court appearances of the Badinan activists and journalists, CPT is confident that all prisoners would be immediately released if given a fair trial. The lack of evidence is astounding. In each trial, witnesses brought forth by the Security Council and Prosecution have sided with the Defence. Each witness directly stated that they would not testify against the prisoners because the Prosecution’s evidence is completely fabricated. Several witnesses have also confirmed that their written testimonies were drafted without their knowledge and consent, and the witnesses were forced to sign them under conditions of torture.&nbsp;</p> <p>The most recent trial of Badal and Omed revealed that the cases of the Badinan prisoners are contingent on one statement signed by Sherwan Sherwani. During questioning at Thursday’s trial, the representative of the Security Council stated that this document was used as the sole evidence in the arrest of Omed, Badal and several additional activists from the Badinan region.&nbsp;</p> <p>Sherwan was then brought forth as a witness for the Prosecution on behalf of the Security Council. Sherwan stated to the judge that all the information in the documents containing his signatures was false. Sherwan said he was forced to sign approximately 50 documents while being beaten and that security forces threatened to sexually assault his wife. Sherwan was not allowed to read what he had signed and is hearing their contents for the first time in various trials for fellow activists now called the “Badinan Prisoners.”&nbsp;</p> <p>In addition to Sherwan, the Security Council summoned Eyaz Karam, Guhdar Zebari, Hariwan Issa, and Shvan Saeed to provide testimony on Thursday. When brought before the judge, Eyaz Karam told the court, “This statement is not mine.” He pointed at the Security Council representative and said, “They forced me to sign this document. We didn’t have any rights!”</p> <p>All witnesses summoned to provide evidence for the Prosecution have denied that they are witnesses for the Prosecution, stating time and again, “That is not my statement,” and “No, I am not a witness to this,” solidifying the position of the Defence.&nbsp;</p> <p>The documents that Sherwan Sherwani and fellow prisoners signed under torture have been used to arrest and detain several civil society activists and journalists involved in organizing public protests and addressing state corruption and non-payment of salaries by the Kurdish Government.&nbsp;</p> <p>Furthermore, the physical condition of the Badinan detainees is very concerning. They have all drastically lost body weight. Several have also exclaimed that they were tortured during brief statements in court.&nbsp;</p> <p>Finally, it is appalling that the Badinan activists and journalists have been denied access to their lawyers, some for the entirety of their detainment.&nbsp; As Badal and Omed were forced out of the courtroom by Asayish security on Thursday, Omed shouted to a room full of Parliamentarians, Lawyers, and International Observers, “I have been in prison for a year and haven't seen my lawyer yet!” These were the only words spoken by the defendants in court that day. Badal’s lawyer reported to CPT that he was only allowed to visit his client once, in a ten-minute visit with Badal’s oldest son. As soon as this visit changed to address his client's case, the security forces immediately ended the conversation. There cannot be a fair trial if the defendants are prevented from explaining their case to their lawyers before the trial.&nbsp;</p> <p>CPT calls for the immediate release of Badal Barwari, Omed Barushky and all of the Badinan Prisoners. The lack of evidence, the statements signed under torture, and the denial of legal defence are overwhelming causes for these trials to be thrown out of a free and fair court.&nbsp;</p> <p><br /> ***A summary transcript of the Prosecution’s witness statements for the court trial of Badal Barwari and Omed Barushky (as reflected in notes taken by CPT during the court proceedings) can be found <a href="">here</a></p> </div> <div> <div>Categories</div> <div> <div><a href="/taxonomy/term/1408" hreflang="en">Kurdistan</a></div> <div><a href="/taxonomy/term/1406" hreflang="en">Iraq</a></div> </div> </div> Tue, 03 Aug 2021 14:24:39 +0000 Hannah 12550 at VIAL 15 Davası Raporu <span>VIAL 15 Davası Raporu</span> <span><span lang="" about="/user/63" typeof="schema:Person" property="schema:name" datatype="">Hannah</span></span> <span>Thu, 07/22/2021 - 06:23</span> <div><p>22 Temmuz 2021</p> <p><img alt="" data-entity-type="" data-entity-uuid="" height="397" src="/sites/default/files/signal-2021-06-22-091957.jpeg" width="800" /></p> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p>[<a href="">Read in English</a>]</p> <p>[<a href="">Διαβάστε στα ελληνικά</a>]</p> <p>AMS olarak, göç ve göçmenlerin suçlu sayılmasının Yunanistan ve Avrupa Birliği'nin göçü "yönetme" yönteminin temel taşı olduğuna inanıyoruz. Mahkeme salonlarının duvarlarına bugüne kadar birçok karanlık sayfa yazıldı. Bu nedenle, yargılamalarda gözlemcilerin bulunması, usulleri karşılaştırması ve usulsüzlükleri, adaletsizlikleri ve ulusal ve uluslararası yasaların ihlallerini ortaya çıkarması önemli. Gözlemcilerin mevcudiyeti sanıklara maddi ve manevi destek sağlamakta, hakim, savcı ve polise izlendiklerini göstermekte ve sanığın adil yargılanma şansını artırmaktadır. Bu kapsamda Sakız adasındaki VIAL kampını ateşe vermekle suçlanan VIAL 15 olarak bilinen on beş gencin duruşmasında hazır bulunduk.</p> <p>2020 yılına göçmen ayaklanmaları ve/veya isyanlar ile Ege adaları ve anakaradaki kampların tahrip edilmesi ya da ortadan kaldırılması girişimleri damgasını vurdu. Bu eğilimin bir nedeni, Covid-19 pandemisinin kapalı kamplardaki göçmenler için hayatı daha da zor hale getirmesiydi.</p> <p>22 Haziran 2021 Salı günü, Moria 6 yargılanmasından sadece birkaç gün sonra, başka bir kampın kundaklaması ve yıkımı suçlamasıyla başka bir dava başladı. Bu kez suçlamalar, Sakız Adası'nın VIAL olarak bilinen Kabul ve Tanımlama Merkezi'yle (RIC) ilgiliydi. Farklı ülkelerden 15 genç erkek, farklı polis memurları tarafından farklı zamanlarda kundakçılık ve mala zarar vermekle suçlanarak tutuklandı. Duruşma Midilli (Lesvos) mahkemesinde gerçekleşti ve toplam üç gün sürdü (22, 23 ve 29 Haziran).</p> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p><b>Olayların Zaman Çizelgesi</b></p> <p>Covid-19 pandemisinin patlak vermesi, tüm göçmen kamplarında zaten&nbsp; kötü olan durumu daha da kötüleştirdi. Kamplar, virüsün yayılmasına karşı herhangi bir sağlık koruma önlemi olmaksızın ve göçmenlerin hareket özgürlüklerini daha da kısıtlayan bir karantina koşulları altında faaliyet gösteriyordu. Pandemi, ayrımcılığı keskinleştirdi. Nisan 20202'de Sakız Adası'ndaki VIAL kampında, Iraklı bir kadın yüksek ateş ile ciddi bir durumda hastaneye kaldırıldı, ardından geri gönderildiği VIAL kampında 18 Nisan 2020'de belirsiz nedenlerle öldü.&nbsp; Ancak VIAL'de yaşayan göçmenler, kadının Covid-19'dan öldüğüne inandı ve bunun gerçek olması muhtemel. 15 kişinin kundaklama ile suçlandığı olaylar, kadının ölümüne ve orada yaşayan herkesin hayatını tehlikeye atan VIAL'deki sefil gözaltı koşullarına bir tepki olarak aynı gece başladı.</p> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p><b>Tutuklamalar, sorgulamalar ve yargılama</b></p> <p>İsyanlar sırasında bir polis arabası, bir mobil büfe, Avrupa İltica Destek Ofisi (EASO) binasının konteynırları ve Rubb Hall olarak bilinen büyük bir çadır yok oldu . Polis güçleri harekete geçerek kalabalığı dağıtmak için kimyasal göz yaşartıcılarla saldırdı. Göçmenler veya polis memurlarında herhangi bir yaralanma yaşanmadı. İlerleyen günlerde polis, meydana gelen hasarın sorumluluğunu bulmaya ve bunu şahıslara yüklemeye çalıştı. Ancak şahısların ayaklanmalara karışıp karışmadıkları ve eğer öyleyse ne şekilde karıştıkları konusunda büyük şüpheler vardı. İsyanlar gece, görüş mesafesinin düşük olduğu bir zamanda gerçekleşti ve orada bulunanların çoğunun yüzleri kapalı olduğu için kimlik tespiti neredeyse imkansızdı.</p> <p>İsyanlar sırasında herhangi bir tutuklama yapılmadı. İlk tutuklamalar iki gün sonra gerçekleşti ve 20 gün sonra tamamlandı. Sanıkların yüzlerini tespit eden tek polis memuru, onları Sakız Emniyet Müdürlüğü'ndeki bir dosyadan teşhis ettiğini söyledi. Sanık göçmenler, tutuklamaların, yalnızca kampta bekar erkeklerin yaşadığı bölümde yaşadıkları için yapıldığını ve aleyhlerinde başka hiçbir kanıt bulunmadığını ifade ettiler.</p> <p>Sanıklardan bazıları sorguları sırasında çevirmenin kendi lehçelerini konuşmadığı için ne olduğunu anlamadıklarını ve bu nedenle ifadelerinin tamamen yanlış olduğunu iddia ettiler. Sanıklar, sorgulama sürecinin ardından tutuklanarak aşağıdaki suçlardan jüri karşısına çıkarıldı:</p> <p>(1) insan yaşamı için tehlike teşkil eden kundaklama (suç) ve mülkün yok edilmesi</p> <p>(2) polis memurlarına karşı tehlike teşkil eden bedensel zarar</p> <p>(3) güç kullanarak polisin çalışmasını engellemek</p> <p>(4) kamu malının yok edilmesi</p> <p>(5) huzuru bozmak</p> <p>(6) bir suç çetesine katılım</p> <p>Sanıklardan biri, tutuklanması sırasında çadırında bıçak bulunduğu için silah taşımakla da suçlandı.</p> <p><img alt="" data-entity-type="" data-entity-uuid="" height="856" src="/sites/default/files/signal-2021-06-23-135150.jpeg" width="800" /></p> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p>Duruşma 22 Haziran 2021'de, müdafiin mahkeme salonunun büyüklüğü nedeniyle bu davanın yürütülmesi için uygun olmadığını iddia ettiği bir mahkeme salonunda başladı. İtirazları hakimler tarafından kabul edildi ve duruşma ertesi gün daha büyük bir mahkeme salonunda devam etti. 15 sanıktan biri tutuklanmadan kaçtığı için sadece 14'ü&nbsp; duruşmaya katıldı. 23 Haziran'ın ikinci günü mahkeme, savunma ekibinin 14 sanıktan birinin reşit olmadığı ve ileri bir tarihte çocuk mahkemesinde yargılanması gerektiği yönündeki itirazlarını kabul etti. Sanık bu tarihe kadar belli kısıtlamalarla serbest bırakılacak. Mahkeme, onun çocuk statüsünü tanıdığında, kendisi 14 aydır tutuklu bulunuyordu ve bu, çocuklar için maksimum yasal tutukluluk süresi olan 6 aylık süreyi aşmıştı.</p> <p>Duruşmaya 13 sanıkla devam edildi. Yukarıda belirtildiği gibi, sadece bir tanık sanıkların yüzlerini tanıdığını iddia etti. Bu tanığın sanıkları teşhis etme süreci sorunludan da öteydi: aslında bu bir teşhis değildi. Mahkeme başkanı sanıkların isimlerini söylerken, adını duyan herkes savcılık tanığının (!) önünde elini kaldırdı ve iddia makamı tanığı onu tanıdığını doğruladı. Bu şekilde 13 sanıktan 9'unu 'tanımladı'.</p> <p>Savcılık tanığı, kimlik tespitinin ardından sanıkların polislere taş ve nesne atan bir çete gibi davrandığını, ancak kimsenin ateş yaktığını veya yanan nesneler fırlattığını görmediğini ifade etti. Sonuç olarak, en ağır suç olan kundakçılık suçlaması geçerliliğini yitirmişti. Mahkemeye çıkan diğer savcılık tanıkları, sanıklardan hiçbirinin kimliğini açıklamadı ve olaylara ilişkin ifadeleri hem kendileri hem de diğer tanıklar ile çelişti.</p> <p>Temel yasal güvencelerin keyfi olduğu ve mahkeme başkanının ve savcıların takdirine bağlı olduğu açık. Moria 6 davasında sanığı teşhis ettiğini iddia eden tanığın ifadesinin (sorgulama aşamasında) tanığın yokluğuna rağmen mahkemede okunması, savunmanın yasal çapraz sorgulama hakkını baltaladı. Buna karşılık, VIAL 15 davasında, 13 sanıktan kalan 4'ünün kimliğini belirleyen bir tanığın ifadesi mahkeme salonunda okundu, ancak yasa gereği hakimler, savcılar ve savunma kurulu tarafından incelenmek üzere mahkemeye çıkmadığından hem savcı hem de mahkeme başkanı tarafından tanık olarak geçersiz kabul edildi.</p> <p>Bu karar, 13 sanıktan 4'ünün tüm suçlamalardan beraat etmesini sağladı. Kalan 9 kişi, insan hayatını tehdit eden kundakçılık, mülke zarar verme, polis memurlarına karşı tehlike arz eden bedensel zarar verme ve bir suç çetesine dahil olma suçlarından suçsuz bulundu. Ancak polisin çalışmasını güç kullanarak engellemek ve huzuru bozmaktan suçlu bulundular. 9 kişiden biri buna ek olarak ateş kullanarak mala zarar vermekten (hafif suç) ve bir diğeri de silah taşımaktan suçlu bulundu.</p> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p><b>Prosedür ve kararlar hakkında yorumlar</b></p> <p>Geçmişte de benzer koşullar altında birçok davaya şahit olduk. Özellikle Moria kampının kundaklanmasıyla ilgili Sakız mahkemesinde görülen son dava (Moria 6 davası)... Bu nedenle karşılaştırma yapmak büyük önem taşıyor, çünkü benzer suçlamalarla (kundaklama yani ağır suç), bağlamlarla (karantina sırasında kamplarda isyanlar) ve benzer derecelerde kanıt içeren iki davada, iki farklı ve çelişkili sonuç elde ettik: birinde davada hafifletici sebepler tanınmadan kundakçılıktan mahkûmiyet, diğerindeyse beraat.</p> <p><em>Prosedür hakkında:</em></p> <p>18 Nisan 2020'de VIAL kampında meydana gelen olaylara ışık tutacak tanıkların (kovuşturma ve savunma), heyet, savcılık ve müdafi tarafından sorgulanması için onlara yeterli zaman ve yer verildi.</p> <p>Buna ek olarak, sanıkların kendi davalarına daha aktif olarak katılmalarına izin verecek biçimde yapılan çeviriler yeterliydi.</p> <p>Moria 6 davasında Kovid-19 önlemleri bahanesiyle gözlemci ve gazetecilerin duruşma salonuna girişi yasaklandı. VIAL 15 davasında, polisin çok yakın gözetimi altında olmasına rağmen, iki gözlemcinin mahkeme salonuna girmesine izin verildi.</p> <p><em>Yargılamalar hakkında:</em></p> <p>Moria 6 davasında, savunma avukatları, yetişkin bir mahkemede yargılanan 4 sanıktan 3'ünün tutuklandığı sırada reşit olmadığını kanıtlayan belgeler sundu. Prosedüre itirazlarını destekleyen belgeler tamamen keyfi bir şekilde reddedildi ve gençler yetişkin olarak yargılandı ve mahkum edildi. Reşit olmamanın hafifletici faktörü bile mahkeme tarafından reddedildi. VIAL 15 davasında benzer belgeler sunuldu ve sanıklardan biri reşit olarak kabul edildi ve yetişkin mahkemesinden çıkarıldı.</p> <p>İki dava arasındaki belki de en önemli fark, VIAL 15'teki sanıklardan 4'ünün kimliğini tespit eden savcılık tanığının ifadesinin, tanığın mahkemeye çıkmaması nedeniyle haksız görülmesiydi. Moria 6 davasında durum böyle değildi, sanıkları teşhis ettiğini iddia eden kilit savcı tanığın ifadesi, gerektiği gibi mahkemeye çıkmamasına rağmen kabul edildi. Bu, esasen Moria 6 davasındaki 4 'yetişkin' sanığın mahkumiyetine neden oldu.</p> <p>Sonuç olarak, ceza davalarının mahkemelerini gözlediğimizde, kanunların her mahkemenin farklı eğilimlerine bağlı olarak uygulanıp uygulanmadığına şahit oluyoruz. Adalet sistemi eşitsiz ve öngörülemez. Göçmen sanıklar adil yargılanmaya erişim için sürekli bir mücadeleyle karşı karşıya ve onları destekleyenler - savunucular ve dayanışma grupları - bu engellerden nasiplerini alıyorlar.&nbsp; VIAL 15 davası örneğinin Moria 6 için temyiz mahkemesinde kullanılmasını ve kendilerine karşı yapılan adaletsizliği giderecek bir yargıllamaya vesile olmasını umuyoruz. O zamana kadar, her ne kadar bunun oldukça çetin bir mücadele olduğunu bilsek de, mümkün olan her şekilde herkes için eşit haklar talep etmekten vazgeçmeyeceğiz.</p> </div> <div> <div>Categories</div> <div> <div><a href="/taxonomy/term/1486" hreflang="en">Aegean Migrant Solidarity</a></div> <div><a href="/taxonomy/term/1402" hreflang="en">Europe</a></div> <div><a href="/taxonomy/term/1413" hreflang="en">Migration</a></div> </div> </div> Thu, 22 Jul 2021 11:23:16 +0000 Hannah 12548 at Για την Δίκη των 15 της ΒΙΑΛ <span>Για την Δίκη των 15 της ΒΙΑΛ </span> <span><span lang="" about="/user/63" typeof="schema:Person" property="schema:name" datatype="">Hannah</span></span> <span>Thu, 07/22/2021 - 06:13</span> <div><p><img alt="" data-entity-type="" data-entity-uuid="" height="397" src="/sites/default/files/signal-2021-06-22-091957.jpeg" width="800" /></p> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p>[<a href="">Read in English</a>]</p> <p>[<a href="">Türkçe okuyun</a>]</p> <p>Ως AMS εκτιμούμε πως η ποινικοποίηση της μετανάστευσης και των μεταναστών είναι ένα καίριο ζήτημα στον τρόπο που Ελλάδα και Ε.Ε. «διαχειρίζονται» το μεταναστευτικό ζήτημα και πολλές «μαύρες σελίδες» αδικίας και συστηματικών διακρίσεων έχουν γραφτεί μέσα στους τέσσερις τοίχους των δικαστικών αιθουσών. Για το λόγο αυτό έχει ιδιαίτερη σημασία να υπάρχουν παρατηρητές στις δίκες ώστε να συγκρίνουν και να αποκαλύπτουν παρατυπίες, αδικίες, παραβίασες εγχώριων και διεθνών νομοθεσιών. Παράλληλα η παρουσία των παρατηρητών να συμβάλλει στην ανάγκη υλικής και ηθικής υποστήριξής ανθρώπων που κατηγορούνται, δείχνοντας σε δικαστές εισαγγελείς και αστυνομία ότι δεν δρουν ερήμην, αυξάνοντας τις πιθανότητες οι κατηγορούμενοι να λάβουν μια δίκαιη δίκη. Σε αυτό το πλαίσιο είμασταν παρόντες τη δίκη για τον εμπρησμό της ΒΙΑΛ.</p> <p>Το 2020 ήταν μια χρονιά που σημαδεύτηκε από εξεγέρσεις μεταναστών και εκτεταμένες καταστροφές των κέντρων κράτησης των νησιών του Αιγαίου και στην ηπειρωτική χώρα. Μια από τις αιτίες αυτής της τάσης είναι πως η πανδημία του covid-19 έκανε ακόμα πιο δύσκολη τη ζωή των μεταναστ(ρι)ών μέσα στα κέντρα κράτησης. Για παράδειγμα ,στη Χίο στις 18 Απριλίου, στη Λέσβο στις 8 Σεπτεμβρίου και στη Σάμο στις 15 Σεπτεμβρίου, οι πυρκαγιές έβαλαν στο στόχαστρο κέντρα κράτησης , που σταδιακά μετατρέπονταν σε φυλακές, με το πρόσχημα του κλειδώματος του Covid-19.</p> <p>Την Τρίτη 22.6.2021, λίγες μέρες μετά τη <a href="">Δική των 6 της Μόριας</a>, μια ακόμα δίκη για εμπρησμό και καταστροφές σε κέντρο κράτησης ξεκινάει. Αυτή τη φορά οι καταστροφές αφορούν το ΚΥΤ (Κέντρο Υποδοχής και Ταυτοποίησης ) της Χίου γνωστό με το όνομα ΒΙΑΛ. Για τον εμπρησμό και τις καταστροφές κατηγορούνται 15 άνδρες, διαφόρων εθνικοτήτων, οι οποίοι είχαν συλληφθεί από διαφορετικούς αστυνομικούς σε διαφορετικές χρονικές στιγμές. Η δίκη πραγματοποιήθηκε στο δικαστήριο της Μυτιλήνης (Λέσβος) και είχε συνολική διάρκεια τριών ημερών (22,23 και 29 Ιουνίου).</p> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p><b>Το χρονικό των γεγονότων</b></p> <p>Το ξέσπασμα της πανδημίας του covid-19 έκανε πολύ πιο δύσκολη την ήδη άσχημη κατάσταση που επικρατούσε σε όλα τα κέντρα κράτησης μεταναστών. Τα ΚΥΤ λειτουργούσαν χωρίς καμιά φροντίδα για υγειονομική προστασία για την διασπορά του&nbsp; ιού και σε καθεστώς υγειονομικού αποκλεισμού, που περιόρισε ακόμα παραπάνω την κινητικότητα των μεταναστών έξω από αυτά εντείνοντας τον αποκλεισμό τους, Στη ΒΙΑΛ στη Χίο λίγες μέρες πριν σημειωθούν τα επεισόδια για τα οποία κατηγορούνται οι 15 άνδρες, μια γυναίκα από το Ιράκ είχε μεταφερθεί στο νοσοκομείο σοβαρά <a href="">άρρωστη και στη συνέχεια μεταφέρθηκε πίσω στη ΒΙΑΛ όπου και έχασε τη ζωή της από αδιευκρίνιστα αίτια</a>. Ωστόσο οι μετανάστες που μένουν στη ΒΙΑΛ θεώρησαν και πιθανόν να είναι η αλήθεια, ότι η γυναικά πέθανε από covid. Τα επεισόδια ξεκίνησαν το ίδιο βράδυ (18.4.2020), σαν αντίδραση στον θάνατο της γυναίκας αλλά και ενάντια στις άθλιες συνθήκες κράτησης που επικρατούσαν στην ΒΙΑΛ και θέτουν σε κίνδυνο τη ζωές όλων όσων ζουν εκεί.</p> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p><b>Οι Συλλήψεις, Ανακρίσεις και η Δίκη</b></p> <p>Κατά τη διάρκεια των επεισοδίων καταστράφηκαν ένα αυτοκίνητο της αστυνομίας, μία καντίνα, κοντέινερ από της εγκαταστάσεις της EASO (Ευρωπαϊκή Υπηρεσία Ασύλου) και μια μεγάλη σκηνή (Rub hall). Αστυνομικές δυνάμεις κινητοποιούνται και επιτίθονται με χημικά στο πλήθος για να τους διαλύσουν. Δεν υπήρξαν τραυματισμοί μεταναστ(ρι)ων και αστυνομικών. Τις επόμενες μέρες&nbsp; η αστυνομία προσπάθησε να βρει και να αποδώσει τις ευθύνες για τις καταστροφές σε άτομα. Δεδομένου ότι τα επεισόδια γίνονται νύχτα με χαμηλό φωτισμό και πολλά από τα άτομα είχαν καλυμμένα τα πρόσωπα τους η διαδικασία αναγνώρισης είναι σχεδόν αδύνατη.</p> <p>Καμιά σύλληψη δεν πραγματοποιείται τη στιγμή που συμβαίνουν τα επεισόδια, οι συλλήψεις ξεκινάνε δύο μέρες μετά και ολοκληρώνονται μετά από 20 μέρες. Ο μοναδικός αστυνομικός που αναγνώρισε πρόσωπα από τους κατηγορούμενους αναφέρει πως τους ταυτοποίησε από αρχείο της υπηρεσίας του (διεύθυνση ασφαλείας Χίου). Οι κατηγορούμενοι μετανάστες καταθέτουν με τη σειρά τους ότι οι συλλήψεις έγιναν με μοναδικό κριτήριο ότι ζουν στον τομέα του camp που είναι αποκλειστικά μόνους άνδρες (single men sector) χωρίς άλλα στοιχεία. Κατά τη διαδικασία της ανάκρισης κάποιοι από κατηγορούμενοι αναφέρουν πως δεν καταλάβαιναν τι συμβαίνει γιατί ο μεταφραστής δεν μιλούσε την ίδια διάλεκτο με αυτούς, με αποτέλεσμα οι καταθέσεις τους είναι εντελώς ανακριβής.</p> <p><img alt="" data-entity-type="" data-entity-uuid="" height="856" src="/sites/default/files/signal-2021-06-23-135150.jpeg" width="800" /></p> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p>Μετά από την ανακριτική διαδικασία οι κατηγορούμενοι προφυλακίστηκαν και παραπέμφθηκαν σε δίκη (σε μεικτό ορκωτό δικαστήριο) με τις κατηγορίες: (1)Εμπρησμός με κίνδυνος ανθρώπινης ζωής και καταστροφή περιουσίας (κακούργημα), και τα πλημμελήματα&nbsp; της: (2)&nbsp; επικίνδυνης σωματική βλάβη εναντίον αστυνομικών, (3) παρεμπόδιση αστυνομικού έργου με χρήση βίας, (4) καταστροφή περιουσίας κοινής ωφέλειας, (5) διατάραξη κοινής ειρήνης, (6)συμμετοχή σε εγκληματική συμμορία. Ένα από τους κατηγορουμένους κατηγορήθηκε επιπλέον για οπλοφορία, καθώς κατά τη σύλληψή του βρέθηκε ένα μαχαίρι στη σκηνή του.</p> <p>Η Δίκη ξεκίνησε στις&nbsp; 22.6.2020 σε μια δικαστική αίθουσα ακατάλληλη, σύμφωνα με τους συνηγόρους υπεράσπισης,&nbsp; λόγω μεγέθους, για τη διεξαγωγή της συγκεκριμένης δίκης. Το αίτημα έγινε δεκτό από την έδρα και την επόμενη μέρα η δίκη συνεχίστηκε σε άλλη, μεγαλύτερη αίθουσα.&nbsp; Από τους 15 κατηγορούμενους για την υπόθεση στο δικαστήριο βρέθηκαν 14 καθώς ο ένας διέφυγε της σύλληψης. Την δεύτερη μέρα 23.6.2020 το δικαστήριο έκρινε έναν κατηγορούμενο από τους 14 ως ανήλικο, κάνοντας δεκτή την ένσταση του Δικηγόρου υπεράσπισης, ο νεαρός θα δικαστεί αργότερα από δικαστήριο αρμόδιο για ανήλικους και μέχρι τότε αφήνεται ελεύθερος με περιοριστικούς όρους. Όμως μέχρι την αναγνώριση της ανηλικότητας του από το δικαστήριο ο νεαρός είχε ακολουθήσει τη διαδικασία της προφυλάκισης για 14 μήνες ως ενήλικας, ενώ η μέγιστη προφυλάκιση για ανηλίκους είναι 6 μήνες.</p> <p>Η δική συνεχίστηκε με 13 πλέον κατηγορούμενους. Η διαδικασία αναγνώρισης των κατηγορουμένων από τον μοναδικό μάρτυρα που αναγνώρισε πρόσωπα υπήρξε κάτι παραπάνω από προβληματική. Για την ακρίβεια δεν ήταν αναγνώριση. Δηλαδή, η πρόεδρος του δικαστηρίου φώναζε να ονόματα των κατηγορουμένων προς αναγνώριση, ο κάθε κατηγορούμενος που άκουγε το όνομά του σήκωνε το χέρι του μπροστά στον μάρτυρα κατηγορίας (!) και ο μάρτυρας κατηγορίας επιβεβαίωνε πως τον αναγνωρίζει. Με αυτόν τον τρόπο «αναγνώρισε» 9 από τους 13 κατηγορούμενους.</p> <p>Μετά από τη διαδικασία αναγνώρισης ο μάρτυρας κατηγορίας ανέφερε πως οι κατηγορούμενοι λειτουργούσα σαν όχλος πετώντας αντικείμενα και πέτρες στους αστυνομικούς, όμως&nbsp; δεν είδε κανέναν να βάζει φωτιά ή να εκτοξεύει φλεγόμενα αντικείμενα. Κατά συνέπεια η σοβαρή κατηγορία του εμπρησμού (κακούργημα) δεν φαίνεται να ευσταθεί. Οι υπόλοιποι μάρτυρες κατηγορίας που παρουσιάστηκαν στο δικαστήριο δεν αναγνώρισαν κανέναν από τους κατηγορουμένους, και είχαν αντιφατικές καταθέσεις για τα γεγονότα.</p> <p>Η κατάθεση (στο στάδιο της ανάκρισης) του μάρτυρα&nbsp; κατηγορίας&nbsp; που αναγνώριζε τους υπολοίπους 4 από τους 13 κατηγορούμενους, στη δίκη της ΒΙΑΛ αν και διαβάστηκε στην αίθουσα δεν λήφθηκε επί της ουσίας υπόψιν καθώς ο μάρτυρας δεν προσήλθε στο δικαστήριο για να εξετασθεί από την έδρα και τους συνηγόρους της υπεράσπισης ως όφειλε, σύμφωνα με τον νόμο.</p> <p>Αυτή η απόφαση οδήγησε και στην αθώωση από όλες τις κατηγορίες των 4 από τους 13 κατηγορουμένους. Οι υπόλοιποι 9 κρίθηκαν αθώοι για (1) Εμπρησμό με κίνδυνος ανθρώπινης ζωής και (4)καταστροφή περιουσίας, (2)&nbsp; επικίνδυνης σωματική βλάβη εναντίον αστυνομικών , (6)συμμετοχή σε εγκληματική συμμορία . Όμως κρίθηκαν ένοχοι για (3) παρεμπόδιση αστυνομικού έργου με χρήση βίας, (5) διατάραξη κοινής ειρήνης. Ένας από τους 9 κρίθηκε επιπλέον ένοχος για&nbsp; φθορά ξένης περιουσίας με χρήση φωτιάς (πλημμέλημα) και ένας ακόμα για οπλοφορία.</p> <p>Έχοντας ήδη εκτίσει ήδη 14 μήνες προφυλακισμένοι, αφέθηκαν όλοι ελεύθεροι, με&nbsp; περιοριστικούς όρους και μικρή χρηματική αποζημίωση (600ευρώ).</p> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p><b>Συγκριτική ανάλυση επί της διαδικασίας και επί των αποφάσεων</b></p> <p>Έχοντας ήδη την εμπειρία από προηγούμενες δίκες με παρόμοια χαρακτηριστικά, και ιδιαίτερα την πρόσφατη δίκη στο δικαστήριο της Χίου για τον εμπρησμό της Μόριας (υπόθεση Moria 6), είναι αναγκαίο να προχωρήσουμε σε συγκρίσεις, και αυτό διότι σε δύο δίκες με παρόμοιες κατηγορίες (το κακούργημα του εμπρησμού), πλαίσιο (εξέγερση, επεισόδια σε κέντρο κράτησης σε κατάσταση υγειονομικού αποκλεισμού) και στοιχεία είχαμε δύο διαφορετικά και αντικρουόμενα αποτελέσματα. Στη μία περίπτωση καταδίκη, χωρίς ελαφρυντικά για το κακούργημα του εμπρησμού (Moria 6)και στην άλλη αθώωση (ΒΙΑΛ 15).</p> <p><i>Επί της διαδικασίας</i>:</p> <p>Δόθηκε επαρκής χρόνος και χώρος για την εξέταση των μαρτύρων (κατηγορίας και υπεράσπισης), τόσο από την έδρα όσο και από τους συνηγόρους υπεράσπισης, ώστε να φωτιστούν τα γεγονότα που έλαβαν χώρα στις 18.4.2020 στη ΒΙΑΛ.</p> <p>Επιπλέον η μετάφραση από και προς κατηγορουμένους , αν και θα μπορούσε να είναι πολύ πιο λεπτομερής ώστε να μπορούν οι κατηγορούμενοι να συμμετέχουν πιο ενεργά στην ίδια τους δίκη,&nbsp; ήταν μάλλον επαρκής.</p> <p>Στη δίκη για την υπόθεση Moria 6, απαγορεύτηκε, με πρόφαση τα μέτρα για τον covid-19, η παρουσία παρατηρητών και δημοσιογράφων εντός της δικαστικής αίθουσας! Στην περίπτωση της υπόθεσης ΒΙΑΛ 15,επιτραπηκε σε δύο παρατηρητές η παρουσία εντός της δικαστικής αίθουσας αν και με πολύ στενή επιτήρηση από την αστυνομία.</p> <p><i>Επί των αποφάσεων</i>:</p> <p>Στην περίπτωση της υπόθεσης Moria 6, παρά τα έγγραφα που προσκόμισαν οι συνήγοροι υπεράσπισης για να υποστηρίξουν πως 3 από τους 4 κατηγορούμενους ήταν ανήλικοι όταν συνελήφθησαν αυτά με τρόπο εντελώς αυθαίρετο δεν λήφθηκαν υπόψιν από το δικαστήριο και οι νεαροί δικάστηκαν και καταδικάστηκαν ως ενήλικες, χωρίς καν να ληφθεί υπόψιν το ελαφρυντικό της μετεφηβικής ηλικίας. Στην περίπτωση της ΒΙΑΛ 15 τα έγγραφα έγιναν δεκτά και ο ένας κατηγορούμενος εξαιρέθηκε από το δικαστήριο ως ανήλικος.</p> <p>Η σημαντικότερη, ίσως διαφορά μεταξύ των δύο δικών ήταν το γεγονός πως ή κατάθεση του μάρτυρα κατηγορίας που αναγνώρισε 4 από τους κατηγορούμενους στη δική της ΒΙΑΛ 15 δεν λήφθηκε υπόψιν καθώς ο μάρτυρας δεν εμφανίστηκε στο δικαστήριο. Κάτι τέτοιο δεν συνέβη στην δίκη των Moria 6 όπου ο βασικός μάρτυρας κατηγορίας που αναγνωρίζει πρόσωπα, δεν προσήλθε στο δικαστήριο ως όφειλε, όμως η κατάθεση του έγινε δεκτή από το δικαστήριο και επί της ουσίας σήμανε την καταδίκη των 4 εφήβων για την υπόθεση Moria 6. Γίνεται έτσι σαφές&nbsp; ότι η εφαρμογή των βασικών νομικών εγγυήσεων είναι αυθαίρετη και αφήνεται στη διακριτική ευχέρεια των προεδρευόντων δικαστών και των εισαγγελέων.</p> <p>Συμπερασματικά, η παρατήρηση των δικών αποδεικνύει πως οι νόμοι εφαρμόζονται ή δεν εφαρμόζονται διαφορετικά από το κάθε δικαστήριο, γεγονός που καθιστά το σύστημα απονομής δικαιοσύνης ιδιαίτερα προβληματικό. Ειδικά όταν βρίσκονται κατηγορούμενοι μετανάστ(ρι)ες η πρόσβαση σε μια δίκαιη δίκη μετατρέπεται σε συνεχή αγώνα για τους ίδιους αλλά και για όσους τους υποστηρίζουν, συνηγόρους και αλληλέγγυους. Ελπίζουμε το παράδειγμα της δίκης της ΒΙΑΛ 15 να χρησιμοποιηθεί στο εφετείο για την υπόθεση Moria 6 και να λάβουν μια δίκη ανάλογη των περιστάσεων που θα αποκαταστήσει την αδικία εις βάρος τους. Μέχρι τότε, δεν θα σταματήσουμε να απαιτούμε με κάθε τρόπο&nbsp; ίσα δικαιώματα για όλους και όλες, γνωρίζοντας πόσο δύσκολο είναι αυτό στην εφαρμογή του.</p> </div> <div> <div>Categories</div> <div> <div><a href="/taxonomy/term/1486" hreflang="en">Aegean Migrant Solidarity</a></div> <div><a href="/taxonomy/term/1402" hreflang="en">Europe</a></div> <div><a href="/taxonomy/term/1413" hreflang="en">Migration</a></div> </div> </div> Thu, 22 Jul 2021 11:13:46 +0000 Hannah 12547 at